A Theosophical Text By One
Of The Greatest Western
Philosophers
Immanuel Kant
Immanuel
Kant (22 April 1724 – 12 February 1804)
Editorial Note:
Theosophy sees an Eastern root
and origin in most Western philosophical systems. In “The Secret Doctrine”,
Helena P. Blavatsky wrote:
“It is difficult to find a
single speculation in Western metaphysics which has not been anticipated by
Archaic Eastern philosophy. From Kant to Herbert Spencer, it is all a more or
less distorted echo of the Dwaita, Adwaita, and Vedantic doctrines generally.” [1]
For thousands of years,
Eastern sages have had various ways of influencing Western thought, and as to
modern Theosophy specifically, H.P.Blavatsky wrote in a private letter in the
1880s, from the German city of Würzbug:
“I like Würzburg. It is near
Heidelberg and Nürenberg, and all the centres one of the Masters lived in, and
it is He who advised my Master to send me there.” [2]
As to the Master she
mentioned, one finds these words in a Letter written by him:
“We, who have studied a little
Kant’s moral teachings, analyzed them somewhat carefully .... ”[3]
In “The Secret Doctrine”,
H.P.B. wrote:
“The greatest philosopher of
European birth, Immanuel Kant ....” [4]
Indeed, the philosophy of Immanuel
Kant (1724-1804) has a deep theosophical interest. In several aspects Kant anticipated - along
with other thinkers, among them d’Holbach - the modern theosophical
movement. Kant was one of the greatest philosophers
of the European Enlightenment in the late 18th century, and his books are still
important to study in the 21st century. His essay on “Perpetual
Peace” is a brilliant and prophetical vision. Written more than 200 years ago in
1795, it seems to point to the future of the present-day United Nations
system. The U.N. system is already founded on some of the basic concepts
established by Kant in his “Perpetual Peace”, but it will have to evolve
further to live up to Kant’s vision.
In the following text, while writing
about Enlightenment and defending reason against dogmatism and blind belief,
Kant stands for some of the essential aspects of the authentic theosophy,
including its very motto. See for instance the first paragraph, and our note to
it.
(Carlos Cardoso Aveline)
An Answer to the Question:
What is Enlightenment? (1784)
Immanuel Kant
Enlightenment is man’s
emergence from his self-imposed immaturity. Immaturity is the inability to use
one’s understanding without guidance from another. This immaturity is
self-imposed when its cause lies not in lack of understanding, but in lack of
resolve and courage to use it without guidance from another. Sapere Aude!
[dare to know] “Have courage to use
your own understanding!”- that is the motto of enlightenment. [5]
Laziness and cowardice
are the reasons why so great a proportion of men, long after nature has
released them from alien guidance (natura-liter
maiorennes) [“those who have come of age by virtue of nature”], nonetheless
gladly remain in lifelong immaturity, and why it is so easy for others to
establish themselves as their guardians. It is so easy to be immature. If I
have a book to serve as my understanding, a pastor to serve as my conscience, a
physician to determine my diet for me, and so on, I need not exert myself at
all. I need not think, if only I can pay: others will readily undertake the
irksome work for me. The guardians who have so benevolently taken over the
supervision of men have carefully seen to it that the far greatest part of them
(including the entire fair sex) regard taking the step to maturity as very
dangerous, not to mention difficult. Having first made their domestic livestock
dumb, and having carefully made sure that these docile creatures will not take
a single step without the go-cart to which they are harnessed, these guardians
then show them the danger that threatens them, should they attempt to walk
alone. Now this danger is not actually so great, for after falling a few times
they would in the end certainly learn to walk; but an example of this kind makes
men timid and usually frightens them out of all further attempts.
Thus, it is
difficult for any individual man to work himself out of the immaturity that has
all but become his nature. He has even become fond of this state and for the
time being is actually incapable of using his own understanding, for no one has
ever allowed him to attempt it. Rules and formulas, those mechanical aids to
the rational use, or rather misuse, of his natural gifts, are the shackles of a
permanent immaturity. Whoever threw them off would still make only an uncertain
leap over the smallest ditch, since he is unaccustomed to this kind of free
movement. Consequently, only a few have succeeded, by cultivating their own
minds, in freeing themselves from immaturity and pursuing a secure course.
But that the public
should enlighten itself is more likely; indeed, if it is only allowed freedom,
enlightenment is almost inevitable. For even among the entrenched guardians of
the great masses a few will always think for themselves, a few who, after
having themselves thrown off the yoke of immaturity, will spread the spirit of
a rational appreciation for both their own worth and for each person’s calling
to think for himself. But it should be particularly noted that if a public that
was first placed in this yoke by the guardians is suitably aroused by some of
those who are altogether incapable of enlightenment, it may force the guardians
themselves to remain under the yoke - so pernicious is it to instill
prejudices, for they finally take revenge upon their originators, or on their
descendants. Thus a public can only attain enlightenment slowly. Perhaps a
revolution can overthrow autocratic despotism and profiteering or
power-grabbing oppression, but it can never truly reform a manner of thinking;
instead, new prejudices, just like the old ones they replace, will serve as a
leash for the great unthinking mass. [6]
Nothing is required
for this enlightenment, however, except freedom; and the freedom in question is
the least harmful of all, namely, the freedom to use reason publicly in all
matters. But on all sides I hear: “Do not argue!” The officer says, “Do not
argue, drill!” The tax man says, “Do not argue, pay!” The pastor says, “Do not
argue, believe!” (Only one ruler in the World says, “Argue as much as you want and about what you want, but obey!”) In this we have examples of
pervasive restrictions on freedom. But which restriction hinders enlightenment
and which does not, but instead actually advances it? I reply: The public use
of one’s reason must always be free, and it alone can bring about enlightenment
among mankind; the private use of reason may, however, often be very narrowly
restricted, without otherwise hindering the progress of enlightenment. By the
public use of one’s own reason I understand the use that anyone as a scholar
makes of reason before the entire literate world. I call the private use of
reason that which a person may make in a civic post or office that has been
entrusted to him. Now in many affairs conducted in the interests of a
community, a certain mechanism is required by means of which some of its
members must conduct themselves in an entirely passive manner so that through
an artificial unanimity the government may guide them toward public ends, or at
least prevent them from destroying such ends. Here one certainly must not
argue, instead one must obey. However, insofar as this part of the machine also
regards himself as a member of the community as a whole, or even of the world
community, and as a consequence addresses the public in the role of a scholar,
in the proper sense of that term, he can most certainly argue, without thereby
harming the affairs for which as a passive member he is partly responsible.
Thus it would be disastrous if an officer on duty who was given a command by
his superior were to question the appropriateness or utility of the order. He
must obey. But as a scholar he cannot be justly constrained from making
comments about errors in military service, or from placing them before the public
for its judgment. The citizen cannot refuse to pay the taxes imposed on him;
indeed, impertinent criticism of such levies, when they should be paid by him,
can be punished as a scandal (since it can lead to widespread insubordination).
But the same person does not act contrary to civic duty when, as a scholar, he
publicly expresses his thoughts regarding the impropriety or even injustice of
such taxes. Likewise a pastor is bound to instruct his catecumens and
congregation in accordance with the symbol of the church he serves, for he was
appointed on that condition. But as a scholar he has complete freedom, indeed
even the calling, to impart to the public all of his carefully considered and
well-intentioned thoughts concerning mistaken aspects of that symbol, as well
as his suggestions for the better arrangement of religious and church matters.
Nothing in this can weigh on his conscience. What he teaches in consequence of
his office as a servant of the church he sets out as something with regard to
which he has no discretion to teach in accord with his own lights; rather, he
offers it under the direction and in the name of another. He will say, “Our
church teaches this or that and these are the demonstrations it uses.” He
thereby extracts for his congregation all practical uses from precepts to which
he would not himself subscribe with complete conviction, but whose presentation
he can nonetheless undertake, since it is not entirely impossible that truth
lies hidden in them, and, in any case, nothing contrary to the very nature of
religion is to be found in them. If he believed he could find anything of the
latter sort in them, he could not in good conscience serve in his position; he
would have to resign. Thus an appointed teacher’s use of his reason for the sake
of his congregation is merely private, because, however large the congregation
is, this use is always only domestic; in this regard, as a priest, he is not
free and cannot be such because he is acting under instructions from someone
else. By contrast, the cleric - as a scholar who speaks through his writings to
the public as such, i.e., the world -enjoys in this public use of reason an
unrestricted freedom to use his own rational capacities and to speak his own
mind. For that the (spiritual) guardians of a people should themselves be
immature is an absurdity that would insure the perpetuation of absurdities.
But would a society
of pastors, perhaps a church assembly or venerable presbytery (as those among
the Dutch call themselves), not be justified in binding itself by oath to a
certain unalterable symbol in order to secure a constant guardianship over each
of its members and through them over the people, and this for all time: I say
that this is wholly impossible. Such a contract, whose intention is to preclude
forever all further enlightenment of the human race, is absolutely null and
void, even if it should be ratified by the supreme power, by parliaments, and
by the most solemn peace treaties. One age cannot bind itself, and thus
conspire, to place a succeeding one in a condition whereby it would be
impossible for the later age to expand its knowledge (particularly where it is
so very important), to rid itself of errors, and generally to increase its
enlightenment. That would be a crime against human nature, whose essential
destiny lies precisely in such progress; subsequent generations are thus
completely justified in dismissing such agreements as unauthorized and
criminal. The criterion of everything that can be agreed upon as a law by a
people lies in this question:
Can a people impose
such a law on itself?
Now it might be
possible, in anticipation of a better state of affairs, to introduce a
provisional order for a specific, short time, all the while giving all
citizens, especially clergy, in their role as scholars, the freedom to comment
publicly, i.e., in writing, on the present institution’s shortcomings. The
provisional order might last until insight into the nature of these matters had
become so widespread and obvious that the combined (if not unanimous) voices of
the populace could propose to the crown that it take under its protection those
congregations that, in accord with their newly gained insight, had organized
themselves under altered religious institutions, but without interfering with
those wishing to allow matters to remain as before. However, it is absolutely
forbidden that they unite into a religious organization that nobody may for the
duration of a man’s lifetime publicly question, for so doing would deny, render
fruitless, and make detrimental to succeeding generations an era in man’s
progress toward improvement. A man may put off enlightenment with regard to
what he ought to know, though only for a short time and for his own person; but
to renounce it for himself, or, even more, for subsequent generations, is to
violate and trample man’s divine rights underfoot. And what a people may not
decree for itself may still less be imposed on it by a monarch, for his
lawgiving authority rests on his unification of the people’s collective will in
his own. If he only sees to it that all genuine or purported improvement is
consonant with civil order, he can allow his subjects to do what they find
necessary to their spiritual well-being, which is not his affair. However, he
must prevent anyone from forcibly interfering with another’s working as best he
can to determine and promote his well-being. It detracts from his own majesty
when he interferes in these matters, since the writings in which his subjects
attempt to clarify their insights lend value to his conception of governance.
This holds whether he acts from his own highest insight - whereby he calls upon
himself the reproach, “Caesar non eat supra grammaticos” [“Caesar is not above
the grammarians”] - as well as, indeed even more, when he despoils his highest
authority by supporting the spiritual despotism of some tyrants in his state
over his other subjects.
If it is now asked,
“Do we presently live in an enlightened age?” the answer is, “No, but we do
live in an age of enlightenment.” As matters now stand, a great deal is still
lacking in order for men as a whole to be, or even to put themselves into a
position to be able without external guidance to apply understanding
confidently to religious issues. But we do have clear indications that the way
is now being opened for men to proceed freely in this direction and that the
obstacles to general enlightenment - to their release from their self-imposed
immaturity - are gradually diminishing. In this regard, this age is the age of
enlightenment, the century of Frederick.[7]
A prince who does
not find it beneath him to say that he takes it to be his duty to prescribe
nothing, but rather to allow men complete freedom in religious matters - who
thereby renounces the arrogant title of tolerance - is himself enlightened and
deserves to be praised by a grateful present and by posterity as the first, at
least where the government is concerned, to release the human race from
immaturity and to leave everyone free to use his own reason in all matters of
conscience. Under his rule, venerable pastors, in their role as scholars and
without prejudice to their official duties, may freely and openly set out for
the world’s scrutiny their judgments and views, even where these occasionally
differ from the accepted symbol. Still greater freedom is afforded to those who
are not restricted by an official post. This spirit of freedom is expanding
even where it must struggle against the external obstacles of governments that
misunderstand their own function. Such governments are illuminated by the
example that the existence of freedom need not give cause for the least concern
regarding public order and harmony in the commonwealth. If only they refrain
from inventing artifices to keep themselves in it, men will gradually raise
themselves from barbarism.
I have focused on
religious matters in setting out my main point concerning enlightenment, i.e.,
man’s emergence from self-imposed immaturity, first because our rulers have no
interest in assuming the role of their subjects’ guardians with respect to the
arts and sciences, and secondly because that form of immaturity is both the
most pernicious and disgraceful of all. But the manner of thinking of a head of
state who favors religious enlightenment goes even further, for he realizes
that there is no danger to his legislation in allowing his subjects to use
reason publicly and to set before the world their thoughts concerning better
formulations of his laws, even if this involves frank criticism of legislation
currently in effect. We have before us a shining example, with respect to which
no monarch surpasses the one whom we honor.
But only a ruler
who is himself enlightened and has no dread of shadows, yet who likewise has a
well-disciplined, numerous army to guarantee public peace, can say what no
republic may dare, namely: “Argue as much
as you want and about what you want, but obey!” Here as elsewhere, when
things are considered in broad perspective, a strange, unexpected pattern in
human affairs reveals itself, one in which almost everything is paradoxical. A
greater degree of civil freedom seems advantageous to a people’s spiritual
freedom; yet the former established impassable boundaries for the latter;
conversely, a lesser degree of civil freedom provides enough room for all fully
to expand their abilities. Thus, once nature has removed the hard shell from
this kernel for which she has most fondly cared, namely, the inclination to and
vocation for free thinking, the kernel gradually reacts on a people’s mentality
(whereby they become increasingly able to act freely), and it finally even
influences the principles of government, which finds that it can profit by
treating men, who are now more than machines, in accord with their dignity.
[Königsberg in
Prussia, 30 September 1784. I.
Kant.]
NOTES:
[1] “The Secret Doctrine”, H. P. Blavatsky, Theosophy Co., Los
Angeles, 1982, see vol. I, p. 79, footnote. (CCA)
[2] “Letters of H. P. Blavatsky to A.P. Sinnett”, T.U.P., Pasadena,
California, USA, 1973, 404 pp., see p. 105. (CCA)
[3] “The Mahatma Letters to A. P. Sinnett”, T.U.P., Pasadena, California,
USA, 1992, 494 pp., see Letter XXVIII, p. 215. (CCA)
[4] “The Secret Doctrine”, H. P. Blavatsky, Theosophy Co., vol. I, p. 133, footnote.
(CCA)
[5] Ted Humphrey, the translator from German, adds in a
footnote: “ ‘Dare to know!’ (Horace, Epodes,
1, 2, 40). This motto was adopted by the Society of the Friends of Truth, an
important circle of the German Enlightenment”. We must add that H.P. Blavatsky
defines theosophists as “friends of truth” (“philaletheians”), and the motto of
the theosophical movement is very similar to this: “There is no religion higher
than truth”. (CCA)
[6] Kant wrote this sentence
in 1784, five years before the start of the French Revolution (1789-1793). (CCA)
[7] An allusion to Frederick
II, the king of Prussia. During the 1770s and 1780s, Kant was in excellent terms with Prussian
authorities. But that did not last too much.
In 1793 Kant was officially informed by authorities that the king was
displeased with his rationalistic ideas about religion, and was asked not to
write or lecture on religious matters. Kant obeyed only in part. See Encyclopaedia Britannica, 1967 edition,
“Kant, Immanuel”. (CCA)
000
The above text, “An Answer
to the Question: What is Enlightenment? (1784)”, was translated from German
by Ted Humphrey. It is reproduced from “Perpetual
Peace and other Essays”, Immanuel Kant, Hachett Publishing Company, Indianapolis
/ Cambridge, USA, 1982, 152 pp., see pp. 41-48.
000
In September 2016, after
a careful analysis of the state of the esoteric movement worldwide, a group of students
decided to form the Independent Lodge of
Theosophists, whose priorities include the building of a better future in
the different dimensions of life.
000
